
For a long time, Nigeria has lived under the shadow of insecurity and relentless kidnappings. Boko Haram has remained a thorn in the nation’s flesh for more than a decade, terrorizing both citizens and the government with bombings, raids and mass abductions, the most infamous being the kidnapping of more than 200 Chibok schoolgirls in 2014.
Security data and years of reporting show a troubling pattern: major abductions and terror attacks tend to escalate in the months leading up to Nigeria’s general elections. In 2015, before former President Muhammadu Buhari was elected, gunmen attacked Gumsuri village in Borno State, killing 35 people and abducting more than 175 women and children. None of the victims have been recovered.
Ahead of Buhari’s 2019 re-election, the country witnessed another wave of coordinated kidnappings, including the abduction of 110 Dapchi schoolgirls in Yobe State. Security tracking systems documented a sharp rise in kidnapping incidents during 2018 and 2019, with one report recording 331 kidnapping cases nationwide in 2019 alone, involving 1,421 victims.
These killings and abductions may appear random, but research shows a more organized pattern driving them. Now, with the 2027 general election approaching, bandit activity is rising again. The abductions of the Kebbi schoolgirls and Catholic school students are only the most recent examples, and these incidents formed part of the backdrop to the United States stepping in once again.
In early November, U.S. President Donald Trump spoke about the killings and abductions of Christians in Nigeria, calling them “a violation of religious freedom.” Shortly after, the United States reclassified Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. The designation places Nigeria alongside countries such as Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Cuba.
Under Section 402 of the act, a CPC designation applies to any country whose government has “engaged in or tolerated especially severe violations of religious freedom.” A nation does not need to be the direct perpetrator; failing to stop such violations is enough to warrant the label. Countries are typically placed on a Special Watch List before being upgraded to CPC status.
Nigeria first received the designation in 2020, but was removed in 2021 by then–Secretary of State Antony Blinken, a decision the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom later criticized as “unexplained.” Now back on the CPC list, the U.S. has hinted at possible intervention, including the use of American military support and the suspension of certain aid programs.
The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, pushed back strongly, describing Trump’s statements as discriminatory and warning that such rhetoric could embolden terrorist groups to launch new attacks. He noted that insurgents operating across Nigeria are linked to global terrorist networks and that their victims are not exclusively Christians.
According to Akume, both Christians and Muslims have suffered equally from these coordinated attacks. The Nigerian government also rejected claims of “religious genocide,” arguing that the crisis is being misrepresented by groups attempting to inflame sectarian tensions.
“No credible international institution has designated the crisis as genocide against Christians. Boko Haram and ISWAP attack both churches and mosques, killing Muslims and Christians alike,” Akume said. He added that bandits have targeted all communities without religious distinction.
Senator George Akume’s warning that the CPC designation had “emboldened opportunistic violent groups” proved tragically prophetic:
First in Kebbi State. On November 17, 2025, gunmen stormed Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga town around 4 a.m., abducting 25 female students.
Though the Kebbi schoolgirls were later rescued by military forces and handed over to Governor Nasir Idris on November 26.
As Kebbi State reeled, terror struck in Kwara State. On November 18, armed men stormed a branch of Christ Apostolic Church in Eruku during a service that was being broadcast online, killing two people and abducting 38 worshippers, including the pastor. The attack, captured on livestream, sent shockwaves through the country. President Tinubu announced the release of all 38 hostages on November 23, though the circumstances of their freedom remained murky.
The worst was yet to come. In the early hours of November 21, gunmen attacked St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State, initially abducting 215 pupils and 12 teachers. After a verification exercise, the Christian Association of Nigeria updated the tally to 303 students and 12 teachers, noting that 88 additional students were captured after trying to escape.
The magnitude exceeded even the infamous 2014 Chibok kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls by Boko Haram. UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed, herself a former Nigerian minister, called the incident alarming and declared that “schools should be sanctuaries for education, not targets”.
The Niger State government blamed the school management for defying security warnings to close, stating that “St. Mary’s School proceeded to reopen and resume academic activities without notifying or seeking clearance from the State Government”. The Christian Association of Nigeria vehemently denied receiving any such directive, accusing authorities of blame-shifting.
By November 23, fifty students had escaped and returned to their families, leaving 265 people in captivity, including all 12 teachers. Niger State Governor Mohammed Umar Bago declared all schools closed until 2026, commencing Christmas break early in a desperate bid to protect students.
Even Nigeria’s seat of power proved vulnerable. On November 26, bandits invaded Gidan-Bijimi in Kawu ward of Bwari Area Council in the Federal Capital Territory, abducting six teenage girls aged 17 to 23 and a 16-year-old boy. The community, located near the Kaduna State border—a notorious hotbed of bandit activity—was thrown into chaos despite the presence of multiple military checkpoints in the area.
The violence continued its northward march. On November 29, gunmen attacked Yankamaye village in Tsanyawa Local Government Area of Kano State late Saturday night, killing an elderly woman and abducting three residents, including her son.
These attacks do not seem like coincidences. They are more like coordinated assaults, deliberately targeting schools and vulnerable communities. Whether the surge was fueled by the U.S. designation or by the Nigerian government’s inconsistent handling of terrorism, one fact remains: the bandits are growing bolder.




